This collection sheds very useful light on one of the most important--and sometimes most contradictory--of those changes: Senior officials enjoyed ample access to the international media and an extensive system of internal intelligence gathered by news organizations and other bureaucracies called neican in Chinese.
Shirk Reviews and Awards "The Chinese and foreign contributors to this book provide a nuanced, clear analysis of the fluid relationship among the Communist Party, the media, and the public.
In Aprilapproximately ten thousand devotees of the Falun Gong spiritual sect used cell phones and the Internet to secretly organize a sit-in that surrounded the CCP and government leadership compound in Beijing. The expansion of Internet access and the growth of the Web also make it increasingly difficult for local officials to enforce media blackouts on sensitive issues.
CCTV, with the encouragement of the powerful propaganda czar Ding Guangen see chapter 2created a daily program called Focus Jiaodian Fantan to investigate issues at lower levels in Miao Di, in chapter 4, discusses Focus in some detail.
Shirk O ver the past thirty years, the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party CCP have relinquished their monopoly over the information reaching the public. People buy the new tabloids and magazines on the newsstands and read them at home in the evening.
Reporting on leadership politics or internal deliberations remains taboo. Many Chinese outside the PLA, especially high school and college-age men, are fascinated by military affairs. Chinese Internet users learn almost instantaneously about events happening overseas and throughout China. As ofthere were only sixty-nine newspapers in the entire country, all run by the party and government.
In addition to Western experts on China, contributors to this volume include a number of prominent Chinese journalists: Students of Chinese studies, particularly of the media, will find the multiple cases documented in the book a useful resource.
The regulations require officials to release information during disasters and emergencies and permit citizens to request the release of government information.
The Xinmin Evening News reporters said that whenever an issue was sensitive mingangthe papers would just publish the Xinhua version of the story. Rand McNally,p. If he says that some other country is bad, then they really hate that country.
Meanwhile, local officials are learning the art of spin; they hold press conferences and online chats with Netizens to present an appearance of openness and candor—for example, Chongqing Party Secretary Bo Xilai invited television cameras to broadcast live his negotiations with striking taxi drivers in Changing Media, Changing China.
The online community cannot stand in for the public, and Internet society cannot replace public society. This book will be a real boon to the student of modern China. The exception perhaps is chapter 8 Shirk; Daniela Stockmannwhich, in reporting a survey of media use among Beijing residents during the anti-Japanese protest, uses social sciences quantitative methods and, therefore, seems a little out of place in terms of style and content.
Changing Media, Changing China 21 The interests of these leaders incline them to favor tighter restrictions on investigative journalism.
Nonetheless, China is still a long way from having a free press. What most worries CCP leaders—and what motivates them to continue investing heavily in mechanisms to control media content—is the potential that a free information environment provides for organizing a challenge to their rule.
Nip bio Susan L. That change is the subject of this book. On the other hand, surrendering control over information creates severe political risks.
Cell phones and the Internet are even more useful for coordinating group action as they provide anonymity to the organizers and facilitate two-way communication of many to many. Readers are abandoning the official media, and their preference is heightened during crises that arouse their interest and motivate them to search for reliable information.
Other complementary technologies, such as cell phones, amplify the impact of the Internet. However, their freedom to report real news is very much a negotiated one within the party-state apparatus in an ongoing contest between the desire to control and the wish to monitor wrongdoings.
As the chapters in this book describe, the media and Internet are changing the strategic interactions between leaders and the public as the leaders struggle to head off unrest and maintain popular support.
Google has only a 25—30 percent share of the search engine business in China—the Chinese-owned Baidu has been favored by the government and most consumers—but Google is strongly preferred by the members of the highly educated urban elite. Once news attracts attention on the Internet, the audienceseeking commercial media are likely to pick it up as well.
Of course the new practice of planting positive online commentary will make it harder for government officials to draw accurate inferences about public opinion from online opinion.Those interested in learning about the changes in media in the PRC will find many such cases in Changing Media, Changing China.
Free from academic jargon and providing ample historical and institutional background information, the book is highly accessible as intelligent reading for those who are not China-watching specialists.
Changing Media, Changing China!
score to China’s Internet freedom—"# on a scale from $ to $%%, with $%% being the worst.5 The CCP continues to monitor, censor, and manufacture the content of the mass media—including the Web—although at a much.
changing media, changing china This page intentionally left blank CHANGING MEDIA, CHANGING CHINA Edited by Susan L. Thirty years ago, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) made a fateful decision: to allow newspapers, magazines, television, and radio stations to compete in the marketplace instead of being financed exclusively by the government.
The political and social implications of that decision are still. Media in the Changing World Media Literacy * The ability to understand and make productive use of media. * It involves understanding the effect of media can have on a person and society.
* It is the difference between being victimized by and being in control of media’s influence. In Changing Media, Changing China, Susan Shirk has gathered together a thoughtful array of essays that will help readers grasp the paradox of dynamic openness and retrograde Leninist control being played out across China in a truly fascinating manner." --Orville Schell, Arthur Ross Director of the Center on US-China Relations, Asia Society 4/5(1).Download